relevant individuals and organizations within these communities. As others have
noted, prevention strategies need to become more comprehensive and to view the
drug user or sexual partner as a member of a larger social and familial network
( Mata and Jorquez 1988; Mays and Cochran 1988).
Ethnographers working directly with indigenous outreach teams in each of
the four cities where our model was employed have contributed to our knowledge
of IDUs and the many factors that act to influence high-risk behavior. Typologies of
users ( Mason 1989), a description of a street selling operation ( Ramos 1989), and
a typology of shooting galleries and their relationship to HIV transmission (Ouellet
et al. 1991) are a few of the findings by research teams that have aided in understanding and addressing the needs of these high-risk individuals. The study of shooting galleries in Chicago expanded upon studies of galleries in New York ( Des Jarlais, Friedman, and Strung 1986) and San Francisco ( Feldman and Biernacki 1988; Watters 1989), demonstrating how the political economy of a neighborhood influenced the
authority structure and social organization of its galleries and how these structural
distinctions might affect high-risk behavior.
IDUs' acceptance of our research and willingness to participate were facilitated
by their understanding that our primary concern was their health and by our nonobtrusive way of communicating our HIV prevention message. Finally, we paid users
for their participation. They received $20 for doing NIDA's structured survey instrument, and some were occasionally paid $10 for one-hour focused interviews
with the anthropologist.
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