Stepping Back: Nuclear Arms Control and the End of the Cold War

By William B. Vogele | Go to book overview

would conduct no more than six tests a year for the next five years, the Senate imposed a nine-month moratorium and called for an end to all testing by 1996. Testing opponents cleverly added the measure as an amendment to a bill containing funding for unrelated issues, including a major new science project in Texas. Reluctantly, Bush signed the legislation. 61 The following July, President Bill Clinton extended the American moratorium through September 1994, so long as other countries also refrained from testing, and promised efforts to reach a multilateral comprehensive test ban treaty. 62

Initiatives did not work well for the test ban negotiations. Tough bargaining by the United States had a much greater effect, at least in terms of achieving a measure of cooperation on the terms desired by Washington. The degree of cooperation achieved, however, was very modest, compared either to the potential achievement on testing limits that the 1970s negotiations promised or to the dramatic successes in offensive weapons reductions of the 1980s. Arguably, the hard line worked for the United States on testing because these issues were of secondary importance for both parties and because Gorbachev and the Soviet Union were not strong enough to reciprocate with their own tough strategy.


NOTES
1.
See Chapter 6 for discussion of the INF treaty.
2.
Rudy Abramson, "Carter, Ford Support A-Test Ban Treaty," Los Angeles Times, 13 April 1985: 117.
3.
Norman Kempster, "Soviets Ready for a Moratorium on Atomic Tests," Los Angeles Times, 18 April 1985: 14.
4.
Gerald M. Boyd, "U.S. and Russians Make New Offers on Nuclear Tests," New York Times, 30 July 1985: A1; "News and Negotiations," Arms Control Today 15 ( July/August 1985): 7.
5.
See the table "Forty-five Years of Nuclear Testing" in Arms Control Today 20 ( November 1990): 6-7. Their data are derived from Natural Resources Defense Council and the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.
6.
Initially quoted in "Factfile: Chronology of the Comprehensive Test Ban," Arms Control Today 20 ( November 1990): 34.
7.
Michael R. Gordon, "U.S. Aides Find Hope as Soviets Urge Test Ban," New York Times, 23 December 1985: A1.
8.
"U.S.-Soviet Arms Test Halt Is Urged," New York Times, 11 March 1986: A5.
9.
"Moscow Again Extends A-Test Halt," New York Times, 14 March 1986: A3.
10.
Michael R. Gordon, "Soviet Reported Acting to Begin New Atom Tests," New York Times, 18 March 1986: A1.
11.
"U.S. Tests Device Despite Opposition," New York Times, 23 March 1986: A8; Michael R. Gordon, "U.S. Carries Out a Disputed A-Test," New York Times, 11 April 1986: A1.
12.
Philip Taubman, "Moscow Ends Ban on Nuclear Tests, Citing Its Security," New York Times, 12 April 1986: A1.

-62-

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Stepping Back: Nuclear Arms Control and the End of the Cold War
Table of contents

Table of contents

  • Title Page iii
  • Contents vii
  • Acknowledgments ix
  • Abbreviations xi
  • 1 - Security, Cooperation, and Arms Control 1
  • Notes 13
  • 2 - Bargaining and Cooperation 17
  • Notes 30
  • 3 - Controlling Nuclear Testing: 1954-1980 35
  • Notes 45
  • 4 - Negotiating Limits on Nuclear Testing: 1981-1992 47
  • Notes 62
  • 5 - Negotiating Limits on Strategic Nuclear Forces: 1954-1980 67
  • 6 - Negotiating the 1987 Treaty on Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces 89
  • Notes 100
  • 7 - Strategic Arms Reduction Talks: 1982-1991 105
  • Notes 130
  • 8 - Stepping Back from the Cold War 135
  • Notes 148
  • Selected Bibliography 151
  • Index 161
  • About the Author 167
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