vergence, especially within those cohorts increasingly subject to the same economic, political, and informational influences. If cultural convergence is present, it can be expected that the two countries also will come closer in the way they allow for interest group activity.
What have the results reported here shown concerning the nature of contemporary political culture in the United States and Canada? In many ways, the two countries differ in hypothesized directions. At the same time, in the analysis of the factors associated with postmaterial values among Americans and Canadians we found that value convergence appears most likely among the activist segments of the two political cultures. But, when examining libertarian values in conjunction with postmaterialism, there is evidence of a complex pattern of divergence. That is, among materialists, the libertarian differences between Canadians and Americans are greatest in the younger age group, but among the postmaterialists they are greatest in the older-age cohort. Across these general political values and across other indicators of potential differences in political culture (e.g., perceptions of conflict and cooperation and support for government regulation), there is ample support for our hypothesis. That is, as measured here, Canadian and American interest groups appear to operate in somewhat different cultural contexts as they provide potential ways to confront the technical information quandary. The following chapters will explore the extent to which the differences discovered to this point are translated into the interest group worlds of the two countries.