Adam John, Economic Reforms in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe Since the 1960s ( London, 1989); Hare P. G. et al., eds. Hungary. A Decade of Economic Reform ( London, 1981); Kornai Janos, The Economics of Shortage ( Amsterdam, Holland, 1980); Richet Xavier , The Hungarian Model: Markets and Planning in a Socialist Economy ( Cambridge, England, 1989); Swain Nigel, Hungary: The Rise and Fall of Feasible Socialism ( London, 1992); Szelenyi Ivan, Urban Inequalities Under State Socialism ( Oxford, 1983); Volgyes Ivan , "Dynamic Change: Rural Transformation, 1945-1975," in Joseph Held, ed. The Modernization of Agriculture: Rural Transformation in Hungary, 1848-1975 ( New York, 1980), pp. 351-500.
Educational Policies in Communist Hungary. In communist dictatorships, the schools are considered a major means for the creation of the much-desired "socialist man"--and woman--whose dedication to the building of socialism is guaranteed. Therefore, all influences that were not of the Marxist-Leninist variety were excluded and severely forbidden in the curricula.
These policies inevitably created conflicts with churches throughout Eastern Europe, especially in Hungary, where the churches traditionally performed teaching functions in their own schools. In fact, before World War II, Hungarian elementary education was dominated by schools run by the churches. They also had a strong presence in secondary education. The Roman Catholic church maintained 1,706 elementary schools before 1948, 1,205 general education schools, 52 gymnasia (secondary schools whose quality was, in general, higher than those of American high schools), 38 trade schools, and 27 secondary schools for adults. The Calvinist church was also deeply involved in education. It maintained 1,029 elementary and 52 secondary schools. In addition, it sponsored two colleges of great traditions and reputations, one in the famous town of Sarospatak, and the other in Papa. The churches were able to maintain their schools because they had huge land holdings and received ample donations. They were also closely identified with the ideology of the interwar state and received moral and financial support from it. When the large estates were nationalized in 1945, the churches were deprived of the means to maintain their schools. This, in itself, would have been a major source of conflict between them and the communist state even if the ideological conflict had not existed.
On June 16, 1948, a law ordered the confiscation of all schools not sponsored by state institutions. The law affected 436,000 students and nearly 12,600 teacher-instructors in the Roman Catholic institutions alone. Altogether, nearly I million students were involved. Teachers were particularly hit hard by nationalization if they belonged to religious orders. Thousands of highly educated monks and nuns, many of them schooled at universities in Italy, France, and Germany, were suddenly expelled from the schools and were forbidden to teach. Only nonreligiously affiliated teachers were permitted to stay at the schools. In 1950, an agreement between the communist leadership and the churches resulted in the reopening of a few elementary and secondary schools by the churches, but no real teaching functions by the religious were