her younger brother Nicu, she, too, became a heavy drinker. Eventually she retreated into her private world, gathering pets and bottles in her home. She was pushed through her university studies but did not have the ability nor the inclination to complete her studies abroad. Her exams and written class work were usually done by tutors, and professors had to give her good grades if they wanted to keep their jobs.
In December 1989, she, too, was taken into protective custody together with her uncles, aunts and siblings, but only one of her pet dogs was mistreated. She was eventually released. Although she lost her job at the Institute of Nuclear Energy, where her mother placed her, she was not otherwise taken to task for her family's crimes.
Almond Mark, The Rise and Fall of Nicolae and Elena Ceausescu ( London, 1992); Galloway George, Downfall. The Ceausescus and the Romanian Revolution ( London, 1991).
Central Planning in Communist Romania. By 1949, the communist government, headed by Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej (see Gheorghiu-Dej, Gheorghe), was in complete control of all political processes in Romania, but in other areas of life many of the old ways continued to prevail. This was especially true in economics where the nationalization of private property was completed, but agriculture, in spite of the collectivization drive that began in that year, was still outside the control of the Communist party.
In order to tighten control over every phase of social existence, a central planning office was set up under the direction of the Muscovite Vasile Luca (see Luca, Vasile) with orders to coordinate and centralize all economic activities. The office of planning received broad powers. Its orders carried the weight of law. It appointed industrial and collective farm managers, after approval by the appropriate party organs. It set work norms in industry for individual firms and compulsory delivery quotas for collective and surviving private peasants.
Copying Soviet methods, the central planning office introduced two one-year plans and a five-year plan that began in 1951. In the first two years of the five-year plan, investments grew by 34 percent of the national income, over 90 percent of which was spent in industrial development. Only 10 percent of the total was spent in agriculture, and minuscule amounts were devoted to new housing.
The dislocations caused by the investment policies threatened society with chaos. The ongoing collectivization drive forced large numbers of the rural folks to abandon their villages, and seek work in the new industries. However, apartments in the cities, where industry was located, were scarce. Commuting was hardly possible since the road system was not developed, and trains and buses were inadequate for the purpose. Thus, the industrial workers were housed in barracks and dormitories, hastily thrown together in the outskirts of cities, without the most elementary hygienic services. They usually travelled home once a month, but their wages often precluded even such pleasures.
In 1953, the fast five-year plan was abandoned. In March of that year, Joseph Sta