NLF; National Liberation Fronts: 1960/1970

By Robert Shanab Elias Abu; Donald C. Hodges | Go to book overview

tian world--understandably enough--is not concerned with the plight of the oppressed peoples of Zimbabwe and the rest of occupied Africa.

The British Government will not stand idle while a truly people's socialist revolution is on the verge of reality in Zimbabwe. Whitehall has affirmed that Great Britain would only intervene in Rhodesia if there was a breakdown of "law and order." In effect, this means that only a serious attempt to take over the state machine by the oppressed people would be considered "lawlessness" by the British Government. The British will intervene either to save their "kith and kin" or to make sure that, if an African government is to come to power at all, it should be a neocolonialist puppet regime, not one like Sékou Touré's or Albert Karume's in Zanzibar.


CHAPTER SEVEN
The Liberation Struggle in South Africa I. B. Tabata President of the Unity Movement and of the African People's Democratic Union of South Africa*

The All-African Convention's Conception of the Struggle

The struggle as conceived by the All-African Convention and the Unity Movement in 1943 compelled them to insist on the maximum unity of all the organizations representing the different layers of society. From the outset they foresaw that in the given African conditions it would not be possible for a Herrenvolk Government peacefully to grant the demands of the oppressed people. It was not a question of pleading for justice against this or that racial law, or of bringing pressure on the Government to gain this or that concession. Neither is it possible for any one section of the oppressed to gain freedom for itself only. It is a question of a fundamental struggle against a whole system of oppression. The whole of South

____________________
*
From Unity: The Road to Freedom in South Africa, Lusaka, Zambia, June, 1965.

-198-

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