Urbanization in History: A Process of Dynamic Interactions

By A. M. Van Der Woude; Akira Hayami et al. | Go to book overview

movement seems to beget movement in Cuenca. These groups would also be the protagonists of much of the restricted nuptiality, oscillating fertility, and higher mortality so characteristic of urban areas; as well as the principal source of the unskilled labour so essential to urban economies. Once again the city looms before us as an immensely complex reality which historians have yet fully to understand.


Appendix

The method employed for most of the calculations contained in this chapter is based on an intensive utilization of the municipal listings (padrones) dating from the years 1843, 1844, 1845, 1846, and 1847 which are located in the Municipal Archive of Cuenca. As mentioned in the text, these listings are quite complete, and contain full nominative information as well as information on sex, age, occupation, relation to head of household, and place of origin.

Essentially, the method consisted in locating individuals within their households in 1843. A card was filled out for each family in town and contained all pertinent information, including the parish and street of residence. Subsequently these were ordered alphabetically within each parish and were given an alphanumerical identifier which itself represented the parish, street, and alphabetical order of the 'family' card. In subsequent years, a parish-by-parish and family-by-family search was carried out. Once a family was found, new information on age was registered. If there were any new members of that household, pertinent information was written down, along with a 'P' in blue ink. If someone was absent, an 'A' was written in red ink. If a family disappeared completely, they were all given an 'A' and if a new one appeared a card was filled out and all were given a 'P'. In both cases, the cards were put back into the parish file in the correct alphabetical order. This procedure was carried out for all fourteen parishes and for every year until 1847. In this manner, the number of cards for each parish increased from one listing to the next. This was done in order to 'catch' returning families and also so that cross-checking could be carried out later in order to detect those households, say, whose heads had changed (marriage, death, etc.) and were thus located elsewhere within the parish file. A number of these 'false' cards were, in fact, detected.

The next stage consisted in filling out secondary cards for all 'P's and 'A's in the file. Each contained full information about the person as well as the identifier of his 'family' card. Moreover, a different card was filled out for household heads from that for other members so as to be able to classify movement by economic sector at a later time. In all cases, different colours were used for the 'A's and 'P's. In total, some 3,000-5,000 family cards were filled out and about 10,000-12,000 individual cards drawn up. These secondary cards, then, represent the true migrants and were ordered alphabetically, independently of parish of residence.

Subsequently, all 'P's and all 'A's were systematically compared. This was done not only among household heads and among the 'other' cards, but also between household heads and 'others', and between 'others' and household heads. This comparison was carried out for every year and was done to detect not only intra-urban movement, but also to detect movement of heads due to marriage or other reasons. In other words, if

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