Growing Pains: Russian Democracy and the Election of 1993

By Timothy J. Colton; Jerry F. Hough | Go to book overview

themselves. The outcry over Yeltsin's use of media during the 1996 election shows the conflict inherent in promoting free and fair elections and supporting particular candidates or parties. The future of election coverage in Russia will have much to do with the level of commitment to the principles set out in 1993 and how the established system is refined to address the challenges that arose in 1996.


Notes
1.
Michael Urban, "December 1993 as a Replication of Late-Soviet Electoral Practices," Post-Soviet Affairs, vol 10, no. 2 ( April-June 1994), p. 139.
2.
Everett M Rogers, James W. Dearing, Dorine Bregman, "The Anatomy of Agenda-Setting Research," Journal of Communication vol. 43, no. 2 (Spring 1993), pp. 68-84; Gerald M. Kosicki, "Problems and Opportunities in Agenda- Setting Research" Journal of Communication, vol. 43, no. 2 (Spring 1993), pp. 100-27.
3.
Holli A. Semetko and others, The Formation of Campaign Agendas: A Comparative Analysis of Party and Media Roles in Recent American and British Elections ( Hillsdale, N.J.: Erlbaum, 1991).
4.
David Weaver, "Media Agenda Setting and Elections: Voter Involvement or Alienation?" Political Communication, vol. 11 ( October-December, 1994), p. 349.
6.
Ibid., pp. 178-79.
7.
Ibid., p. 179.
8.
Ibid., p. 179.
9.
For a discussion of Soviet television see Ellen Mickiewicz, Media and the Russian Public ( New York: Praeger, 1981); Ellen Mickiewicz, Split Signals: Television and Politics in the Soviet Union ( New York: Oxford University Press, 1988)
10.
Mickiewicz, Split Signals, p. 5.
11.
Thomas F. Remington, The Truth of Authority: Ideology and Communication in the Soviet Union (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1988), p. 170.
12
Mickiewicz, Split Signals, pp. 180-81.
13.
David Wedgwood Been, Persuasion and Soviet Politics ( Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), pp 133-83; Mickiewicz, Split Signals, pp. 179-203.
14.
It should be made clear that an understanding of the deficiencies did not come with Gorbachev. Mickiewicz has shown that there was a growing concern with the effectiveness of television even before Gorbachev came to power. Mickiewicz , Split Signals, p. 50.
15.
Mickiewicz, Split Signals, pp. 52-56.
16.
Ibid, pp. 179-203.
17.
There are a number of studies of the changes in television under glasnost. See Mickiewicz, Split Signals; Linda Jensen, "The Press and Power in the Russian Federation," Journal of International Affairs, vol. 47, no. 1 (Summer 1993),
____________________
5
Semetko, and others, Formation of Campaign Agendas, p. 178.

-232-

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