a job, giving the contractor's name, the location of the job and to notify
this Union when the job is completed. He shall see that there is a
Steward on the job at once and that the Steward shall be one of the
last three men laid off. He shall not call for the line unless the course
is laid out and the bricks are walled for the next course . . . . When bricklayers and stonemasons are hired, he shall direct them to the Steward
before allowing them to start work so that their card or permit may be
inspected, and he shall not lay off members of this Union to make room
for outsiders. At no time shall the foreman be allowed to work more
than one shift in any twenty-four (24) hours, but he has the right to be
on the job at any time before or after working hours but not to lay brick
or act in a supervisory capacity."
William Haber, Industrial Relations in the Building Industry, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1930, p. 218.
Interviews with 500 skilled tradesmen in Detroit in 1941 indicated the
considerable variation between the trades in the supervisory experience
possessed by the members. Approximately 87 per cent of the carpenters
claimed supervisory experience. The percentage of bricklayers was 58
per cent. This compares to 6 per cent for iron workers, and 12 per cent
for cement finishers.
For an account of employer-employee relations see Royal E. Montgomery, Industrial Relations in the Chicago Building Trades, Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1927; F. I. Ryan, Industrial Relations in the San
Francisco Building Trades, Norman, Okla.: University of Oklahoma
Press, 1936; Handbook of the Building Trades Employers' Association
of the City of New York, New York, 1938.
Of the 215,050 construction concerns reporting in the Census of Business
of 1939, 87.2 per cent of all concerns had a volume of less than $25,000
for the year.
Census of Business, Construction, Vol. 4, 1939, pp. 16-17.
The Bricklayer, Mason and Plasterer, Vol. 33, September 1930, p. 195.
3. WAGES AND WORKER SOLIDARITY ·
W. Lloyd Warnerand J. O. Low
Women, Wages and Solidarity
Having discovered that the degree of skill of a job bears no predictable
relations to the rate of pay or to the evaluation of the job by workers or
the community, we found it necessary to seek the various bases on which
management, the workers, and the community made their evaluations of
jobs and workers. These must be known and demonstrated before the internal social structure of the shoe factories can be fully understood. It is
also necessary to understand the external structure of the factories, for
this structure is today dominated to a large extent by conflicting values.
A fact immediately noticed when pay rates are examined is the discrepancy between the earnings of men and women.1 The mean rate for all
male operatives in the factory was 59.5 cents per hour; for all women,
40.5 cents per hour, only a trifle over two thirds of the men's average. This
same differential was maintained in the stitching department where the 306