Man, Work, and Society: A Reader in the Sociology of Occupations

By Sigmund Nosow; William H. Form | Go to book overview
21.
in Footnote 20, no less than 50 per cent of the semiskilled workers in a national sample were labeled "radicals" or "ultraradicals."
22.
On the leadership of the NAM, see, e.g., Robert A. Brady, Business as a System of Power, New York: Columbia University Press, 1943, p. 191 et passim; and Alfred S. Cleveland, "NAM: Spokesman for Industry?" Harvard Business Review, Vol. 26, May 1948, pp. 353-371. On the CIO, it should be noted that by 1952 the eventual AFL-CIO merger was already visible in various parts of the country, including Philadelphia. For example, Labor's League for Political Education ( AFL) and the Political Action Committee ( CIO) cooperated extensively in the presidential campaign that year.
23.
On the other hand, it should be noted that there was as much in-group solidarity on the part of unionists in responding affirmatively to CIO statements as there was on the part of big businessmen in responding affirmatively to NAM statements.
24.
The writer has suggested elsewhere that some persons may have reduced the consistency of their total response by rejecting the emotionalism inherent in partisan statements with which they might have otherwise agreed. "An Appraisal of Protestant-Catholic Differences in Voting Behavior," Public Opinion Quarterly (submitted).
25.
A. Kornhauser, H. L. Sheppard, and A. J. Mayer, When Labor Votes, New York: University Books, 1956, p. 117.
26.
Hjalmar Rosen and R. A. Rosen, The Union Member Speaks, New York: Prentice-Hall, 1955, p. 37.
27.
R. S. Hammett, J. Seidman and J. London, "The Slowdown as a Union Tactic," Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 65, April 1957, p. 131.
28.
However, note the view of Seymour M. Lipset and Reinhard Bendix that militancy varies considerably from one group of workers to another, depending on the type of work, their relative isolation in society, and other factors in their working environment. Social Status and Social Structure: A Re-examination of Data and Interpretations, Reprint No. 35, Berkeley: Institute of Industrial Relations, University of California, 1952, pp. 243-244. This paper is an excellent analysis of theoretical and methodological problems in stratification research.
29.
N's exclude nonvoters.
30.
For a detailed discussion of the procedure used to classify Republican motives, see Glantz, "Unitary Political Behavior . . .,"op. cit., pp. 836-838.
31.
Cleveland, op. cit., p. 354.

4. THE POWER MOTIVATIONS OF THE AMERICAN LABOR MOVEMENT ·

J. B. S. Hardman

Organized labor is a great and ever-expanding social force in the American community . . . spurred on by a significant objective and a vital idea inherent in the simple logic of the union's day-to-day performance.


Big Labor in a Big Nation

. . . The mounting significance of labor in American life [is widely realized, but such recognition] is not accompanied often enough by a suf-

-431-

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