Crises in the Balkans: Views from the Participants

By Kostas G. Messas; Constantine P. Danopoulos | Go to book overview

Croatian Catholics, and Bosnian Muslims should be encouraged to hold regular discussions over the next several years. As repositories of national identity, the attitude of these institutions and of their leaders toward reconciliation will be crucial for its success.

With regard to economic assistance, efforts must be taken to discourage the concentration of investment funds only in certain areas. Otherwise, there is the possibility of creating centripetal economic relations and reviving old divisions within the Balkans, thus perpetuating regional noncooperation and instability.

The point of departure for an effective Western and international policy in the Balkans should be the stabilization of bilateral and multilateral contacts in the region, primarily through the continuation and institutionalization of the process of Balkan cooperation. Also, an effective policy of cooperation will emphasize the links between the Balkan states and the member states of the EU. Purposeful diplomacy, conviction, and effort will be needed if these goals are to be realized. Romanians believe that, instead of a "clash of civilizations," false opposition between Catholicism and Orthodoxy, increasing fear regarding the incompatibility of Christianity and Islam, and unrestricted East-West rivalry, a close, constructive cooperation is not only possible but necessary for the constitution of the new Europe, within which the Balkans could become a region of stability, prosperity and progress.

Aside from press monitoring and the author's own conclusions, interpretation of Romania's perception of the impact of the crisis and its possible resolution are based on informal conversations which the author has held on a regular basis, since 1992, with Foreign Minister Teodor Melescanu, Chief of the General Staff Dumitriu Cioflina, Deputy Defense Minister loan Mircea Pascu, and Director of Romania Foreign Intelligence loan Talpes.
Tv Euronews, October 14, 1995.
In an April 5, 1994 meeting with Slobodan Milosevic, Romanian President Ion Iliescu characterized Serbia (and Yugoslavia) as "the very best neighbors of Romania." Milosevic and the Yugoslav Ambassador to Bucharest have affirmed the same. See for example, Adevarul, September 9, 1994, and Vocea României, November 28, 1995.
See Iliescu's statement to the press during a visit of Yugoslav President Dobrica Cosic in Bucharest, Tanjug, February 25, 1993.
See The Observer, September 16, 1994; Deutsche Welle, November 28, 1995; and Adevarul Economic, December 1995.
For this reason, US intervention and leadership, which had been manifestly lacking in the first five years, was welcomed by Romania. See Presidential Press


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Crises in the Balkans: Views from the Participants
Table of contents

Table of contents

  • Title Page iii
  • Contents v
  • Foreword vii
  • Preface and Acknowledgments ix
  • 1: Ethnonationalism, Security, and Conflict in the Balkans 1
  • Notes 17
  • 2: Of Shatter Belts and Powder Kegs: A Brief Survey of Yugoslav History 19
  • Notes 41
  • 3: Defeating "Greater Serbia," Building Greater Milosevic 47
  • Notes 70
  • 4: Franjo Tudjman's Croatia and the Balkans 75
  • Notes 89
  • 5: Bosnian Muslim Views of National Security 93
  • Notes 110
  • 6: Montenegro: Beyond the Myth 113
  • Notes 131
  • 7: The Balkan Crisis and the Republic of Macedonia 135
  • Notes 150
  • 8: Greece's Policies in the Post-Cold War Balkans 153
  • Conclusions 165
  • 9: Albanian Nationalism and Prospects for Greater Albania 169
  • Notes 190
  • 10: Bulgaria and the Balkans 195
  • Notes 208
  • 11: Turkey and the Balkans: Searching for Stability1 211
  • Conclusion 220
  • Notes 221
  • 12: Romania and the Balkan Imbroglio 225
  • Notes 237
  • 13: Troubles in the Balkans: The View from Hungary 241
  • Notes 255
  • 14: Moscow and the Yugoslav Secession Crisis 257
  • Notes 271
  • 15: US Policy in the Balkans: From Containment to Strategic Reengagement 275
  • Notes 292
  • 16: France, Germany, and the Yugoslavian Wars 297
  • Notes 309
  • 17: Failure in Former Yugoslavia: Hard Lessons for the European Union 311
  • Notes 324
  • 18: NATO and the Bosnian Quagmire: Reluctant Peacemaker 331
  • Notes 347
  • 19: The United Nations and the Conflict in Former Yugoslavia 351
  • Conclusion 367
  • Notes 368
  • About the Editors and Contributors 371
  • Index 381
  • About the Book 390


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