THE ELECTION data presented in chapter viii contradict theories which assume that radical parties are movements of the "downand-outers," the bottom level of society. To what extent are similar stereotypes about radical leaders correct? It has been suggested that the nucleus of leadership in a social movement comes from marginal groups, with their concomitant of economic, social, or personal maladjustments.1 These groups should be most likely to accept a new radical program for social change in a period of social disequilibrium such as depression or drought, while the old community and class leaders attempt to maintain the status quo.2 Actually, however, research data on the nature of leadership in new social movements are scanty and inconclusive.
In Saskatchewan it has been possible to trace the social and economic backgrounds of leaders of an organized protest movement. Information was obtained about the social, economic, and political backgrounds of delegates attending C.C.F. provincial conventions in 1945 and 1946. These delegates, who were elected from forty-five constituency conventions held throughout the province, represented the best large-scale cross section of secondary party leaders. Of the 800 delegates who attended these conven-