of the faith to look ahead and, to the best of his ability, palliate his own medicine. Other governors have faced crises. No other governor, except, perhaps Vance in his Civil War service, has awaked every morning to look on a crisis as a breakfast food. All this will become history when, contrary to our careless habit, we bring history close enough home to give our own honest and often sacrificing public servants a public recognition of labors well and bravely performed.
Every day that Gardner faced his crisis he summoned a program with which to meet it. It might be a cut in the budget. It might be a clarion call or oratory. It might be an organization to meet a need. It might be a carrying of his personality to the marts. of trade and money. Gardner as a governor of North Carolina has had exceptional opportunity to become a national figure. He has met the test in that regard as is shown in his recognition in the national press and in the regard of the men of finance with whom he has been forced to deal, but with whom he has maintained the rôle of an equal and not a suppliant. Now that the tumult and the shouting have died and as the captains and the kings depart, he goes out of office with the credit of his State unimpaired.
Reorganization, retrenchment, consolidation--these have been Max Gardner's policies, but they were in a spiritual sense subordinated to his state pride as shown in the live-at-home-dinner he gave in December, 1929. That was many months before the pall of depression gripped our land. But the governor already had seen that North Carolina, if it would be saved, must save itself.
The "Live-at-Home" movement has justified itself in dollars and in salvation from a suffering far more keen than anything we have yet known.
The press to whom Governor Gardner submitted his plan originally and with whom he has maintained an