The democratic process in action has in the past few months, through aroused public opinion, thrice stopped the President and the forces behind him. And we hear less from university presidents that youth must fight for religion, morality, and civilization.
It is the result of thousands of groups and individuals that all over the country have sprung into action. Newspapers and Congressmen have at crises been deluged with letters and resolutions of protest. News letters, hundreds of them, have been circulated to the hundreds of thousands hungry for information which the periodical press dare not publish. Pamphleteering has been revived.
In defiance of the President and press propaganda, popular protest led to the long embargo fight in Congress. The President had called Congress only after he had enough votes pledged to do what Great Britain wanted. The Round Table (founded and long edited by Lord Lothian) voiced the British disappointment at the "furious war of propaganda which was waged against repeal" and which postponed America's early participation. (cf Bul #22)
The Finnish flare-up, which may have been planned in Britain's Foreign Office as the last straw to bring us in (cf Bul #21), through no fault of the President and much to the disappointment of his friends, failed to bring us in. March issue of the Round Table, just arrived, in an anonymous article "America in Suspense", written Jan. 26, says:
"All the big drums of publicity are thumping for Finland. It is the story of Belgium all over again. . . . Americans . . . indulged in an emotional orgy over the Baltic sideshow. The day of greater American participation in the struggle . . . has become a great deal nearer. The Soviet attack on Finland may be called one of the greatest historical 'accidents' of our time. By virtue of the emotional drive here on behalf of Finland . . . the practical difficulty of remaining emotionally parti-