|mentioned. Interestingly, the moralists I. F. Stone and Richard Barnet have made considerable use of the concept of bureaucratic politics. See Allsion The Essence of Decision ( Boston 1971); Allison and Halperin, "Bureaucratic Politics," World Politics, XXIV (Supplement 1972); Halperin, Bureaucratic Politics and Foreign Policy ( Brookings, April 1972); and Barnet (fn. 10). In fact, John Newhouse, in Cold Dawn ( New York 1973), identifies bureaucratic politics with the different schools' positions and doctrines on arms control. ( Halperin's and Gelb's writings certainly have been influenced by the politics of arms control.)|
|17.||I shall here deal only with key conceptual assumptions.|
|18.||Allison (fn. 15), 63.|
|20.||See Max Weber, Economy and Society, ed. C. Wittich and G. Roth ( Bedminster 1968), I, 212-15.|
|21.||Talcott Parsons, Structure and Process of Modern Societies ( New York 1960) 216, 213.|
|23.||Parsons' is a narrow definition of the political system, i.e., "government," which certainly does not include the American political system.|
|24.||I am in debt here to David Rapoport perceptive analysis of the Federalists on executive power in its civil military context, "Praetorianism: Government without Consensus," unpub. Ph.D. diss. ( University of California, Berkeley 1958), 174.|
|25.||Ibid., 175; emphasis added.|
|26.||See James Meisel, The Myth of the Ruling Class ( Ann Arbor 1965); also Parry (fn.)|
|27.||See S. N. Eisenstadt, The Political Systems of Empires ( New York 1963).|
|28.||Weber (fn. 19), I, 212-54.|
|29.||See George Reedy, The Twilight of the Presidency ( New York 1970); Harry McPherson, A Political Education ( Boston 1972); Eric Goldman , The Tragedy of Lyndon Johnson ( New York 1969).|
|30.||Kissinger, "Domestic Structure and Foreign Policy," Daedalus, vc ( April 1966), 344. See also Kissinger, The Necessity for Choice ( New York 1969), 340-58.|
|31.||See Barnet (fn. 10) for an adequate but opinionated review of the types of court recruitees. Here The Power Elite could be cited as a major source of inspiration.|
|32.||Robert Bowie was a high official in the Eisenhower administration. Samuel Huntington was a Humphrey advisor ( 1968). Both were members of the Policy Planning Staff of the State Department. Henry Kissinger was President Nixon's National Security Advisor and Secretary of State, and was an advisor to Presidents Kennedy and Johnson. Edward S. Mason was a close advisor to Secretary McNamara. Thomas C. Schelling was also an advisor to Secretary McNamara.|
|33.||On the conceptual and analytical aspects of support, see David Easton, A Systems Analysis of Political Life ( New York 1965), 170-89. While I do not accept the conceptual usefulness of this functional analysis, I know of no other author who has posed the problem analytically.|
|34.||Thomas S. Kuhn, "The Structure of Scientific Revolution," International Encyclopedia of Unified Science, 2nd ed., II, No. 2 ( Chicago 1970).|
George E. Reedy. The American monarchy.
A president cannot have problems which are personal to him alone. His troubles are the troubles of the nation and if they become disastrous, the nation is in peril. It is vital, consequently, to identify those aspects of his position which are most likely to bring him to grief. And the most important, and least examined, problem of the presidency is that of maintaining contact with reality. Unless a president starts giving thought to this question--and on the available evidence, very few do--immediately following the line flush of his election victory celebration, he is headed inevitably for trouble.
There are very few warnings to the president-elect that this problem will be encountered. No one has placed over the White House door the admonition "facile decensus Averni." No one comes rushing to him with somber warnings and Dutch-uncle talk. The state of euphoria induced by political success is upon him at the very moment that caution, introspection, and humility are most needed. The process of erosion by which reality gradually fades begins the moment someone says, "Congratulations, Mr. President."
There is built into the presidency a series of devices that tend to remove the occupant of the Oval Room from all of the forces which require most men to rub up against