Is America Necessary? Conservative, Liberal, & Socialist Perspectives of United States Political Institutions

By Henry Etzkowitz; Peter Schwab | Go to book overview
facilities and employees. These files were also maintained, in part, for use in future security clearance determinations. Dissemination of security files is restricted to persons with an operational need for them.The Office of Legislative Counsel maintains files concerning its relationships with congressmen.Conclusions. Although maintenance of most of the indices, files, and records of the Agency has been necessary and proper, the standards applied by the Agency at some points during its history have permitted the accumulation and indexing of materials not needed for legitimate intelligence or security purposes. Included in this category are many of the files related to Operation CHAOS and the activities of the Office of Security concerning dissident groups. Constant vigilance by the Agency is essential to prevent the collection of information on United States citizens which is not needed for proper intelligence activities, The Executive Order recommended by the Commission (Recommendation 2) will ensure purging of non-essential or improper materials from Agency files.
NOTES
The liaison officer was Chief of the CIA's Special Operations Group which ran Operation CHAOS, discussed in Chapter 11 of this Report.
As defined in the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act, 18 U.S. C. Secs. 2510-20.

Liberal

Richard J. Barnet. Dirty tricks and the intelligence underworld.

After Watergate it is not difficult to make a strong case against secret intelligence operations. The costs and risks of maintaining an intelligence underworld sealed from public scrutiny and free from legislative accountability have become obvious. The "misuse" of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), one of the counts in the Article of impeachment adopted by the Judiciary Committee, can occur whenever an insecure President feels tempted to use this classic instrument of dictatorial rule against some domestic "enemy." Although the CI A in the Watergate Affair demonstrated some resistance to improper involvement, there are no institutional safeguards to prevent wigs and burglary tools from being supplied to "the wrong people" again.

Former Attorney General Nicholas Katsenbach and others have persuasively argued that maintaining extensive clandestine operations endangers American democracy and should be ended. The danger is no less when the CIA and other intelligence agencies act "properly," i.e., when they perform the missions they are supposed to perform. CIA clandestine services represent a special sort of secret army. The very existence of such an army undermines American democracy because the people's elected representatives are supposed to decide when and where to go to war. The maintenance of a large bureaucracy whose purpose is deception breeds suspicion and cynicism about government in general.

Systematic lying to the public, an institutionalized habit in such bureaucracies, has eroded confidence In government to an unprecedented extent. Ironically, the widespread use of the political lie in the name of national security has helped undermine a crucial foundation stone of national security--public confidence. In the last days of the Nixon Administration, only about 25 percent of the American people had confidence in either the President or Congress.

The stock in trade of the intelligence underworld is deceit. Its purpose is to create contrived realities, to make things appear different from what they are, for the purpose of manipulation and subversion. More than 200 agents, according to a recent New York Times article, pose as businessmen abroad. The CIA has admitted that more than thirty journalists have been on its payroll since World War II. "Proprietary" corporations-- Air America and other Agency fronts, fake foundations, student organizations and

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Is America Necessary? Conservative, Liberal, & Socialist Perspectives of United States Political Institutions
Table of contents

Table of contents

  • Title Page i
  • Preface ix
  • Contents xi
  • Introduction 1
  • Part One 15
  • 1 - Where Do I Stand? 17
  • Conservative 21
  • Conclusion 28
  • Socialist 44
  • Notes 46
  • Part Two 57
  • 2 - The Presidency 61
  • Conservative 67
  • Socialist 79
  • Notes 85
  • 3 - The Pentagon 101
  • Conservative 107
  • Socialist 117
  • 4 - The Secret Police 133
  • Conservative 139
  • Socialist 152
  • Notes 160
  • Part Three 167
  • 5 - Elite Clubs and Associations 169
  • Conservative 173
  • Notes 184
  • Notes 192
  • 6 - Multinational Corporations 209
  • Conservative 213
  • Socialist 221
  • Notes 244
  • 7 - Organized Crime 257
  • Conservative 259
  • Socialist 264
  • Part Four 283
  • 8 - Congress 285
  • Conservative 289
  • Socialist 296
  • Notes 303
  • 9 - The Courts 315
  • Conservative 319
  • Socialist 330
  • Notes 337
  • 10 - Regulatory Agencies 347
  • Conservative 349
  • Socialist 361
  • Notes 369
  • Political Parties 385
  • Conservative 387
  • Liberal 396
  • Conclusion 410
  • 12 - Academia 413
  • Conservative 416
  • References 427
  • Notes 434
  • Part Five 449
  • 13 - The Media 451
  • Conservative 453
  • Liberal 467
  • Notes 474
  • 14 - Banks 483
  • Conservative The Great Banking Retreat. 485
  • Socialist 489
  • Notes 497
  • 15 - Unions 511
  • Conservative 513
  • Notes 519
  • A Critical Issue 537
  • 16 - The Economic Crisis 539
  • Conservative 542
  • Socialist 544
  • Notes 550
  • Part Seven 557
  • 17 - Political Programs 567
  • Louis Banks. the Mission Of Our Business Society. 568
  • Ralph Nader and Donald Ross. Toward an Initiatory Democracy. 576
  • Stanley Aronowitz. On Organization: A Good Party Is Hard to Find. 581
  • Mass Parties and Reformism 587
  • Notes 596
  • Fred R. Harris. Up With Those Who'Re Down. 602
  • Part Eight 613
  • Appendix 621
  • Note 644
  • Index 649
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