Organized Anti-Semitism in America: The Rise of Group Prejudice during the Decade 1930-40

By Donald S. Strong | Go to book overview

Notes for Chapter 1
1
For more elaborate statements of this type of political analysis see H. D. Lasswell , World Politics and Personal Insecurity, ( New York: Whittlesey House, McGraw-Hill, 1935); Charles E. Merriam, Political Power, ( New York: Whittlesey House, McGraw-Hill, 1934); G. E. C. Catlin, The Science and Method of Politics, ( New York: A. A. Knopf, 1927); Gaetano Mosca, The Ruling Class, ( New York: McGraw-Hill, 1938); H. D. Lasswell, Politics -- Who Gets What, When, How, ( New York: Whittlesey House, McGraw-Hill, 1936).
2
Violence and the distribution of goods and services are, of course, other methods by which an élite retains power.
3
Obviously an ideology can be anti-revolutionary without being anti-semitic. Such prominent American groups as the Daughters of the American Revolution and the American Legion are very active in distributing anti-revolutionary propaganda that is not anti-semitic.
4
Of course, in this anti-revolutionary, anti-semitic ideology the Jew is often presented in other roles than as a revolutionary, but our purpose at present is simply to explain the association between anti-semitism and the anti-revolutionary ideology.
5
For the history of anti-semitism see Hugo Valentin, Anti-Semitism, Historically and Critically Examined ( New York: Viking, 1936); Henrich CoudenhoveKalergi , Anti-Semitism throughout the Ages ( London: Hutchinson, 1935). For a briefer treatment see Rabbi Lee J. Levinger, Anti-Semitism, Yesterday and Tomorrow ( New York: Macmillan, 1936), Part I.
6
Valentin, Anti-Semitism, p. 87.
7
See footnote one, chapter XIV, for a discussion of this work.
8
Valentin, Anti-Semitism, p. 100.
9
For a good brief account of developments in Hungary at this period see Oscar Jaszi , "Ideologic Foundations of the Danubian Dictatorships", in Propaganda and Dictatorships, ed. by Harwood L. Childs, ( Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1936), pp. 90-97.
10
For studies of the rise of National Socialism, in contrast to descriptions of the Nazi regime as it exists at present, see: Konrad Heiden, A History of National Socialism, ( New York: Knopf, 1935); Fredrick L. Schuman, The Nazi Dictatorship, ( New York: Knopf, 1935); Edgar Ansel Mowrer, Germany Puts the Clock Back, ( New York: Morrow, 1933); Calvin B. Hoover, Germany Enters the Third Reich, ( New York: Macmillan, 1933); R. Palme Dutt, Fascism and Social Revolution, ( New York: International, 1934) ; Fredrick L. Schuman, Germany Since 1918, ( New York: Holt, 1937).
11
For a further discussion of this matter see Valentin, Anti-Semitism, pp. 60-63.
12
Schuman, The Nazi Dictatorship, p. 97.
13
Ibid, p. 87.
14
The fact that in 1938 Italy took certain anti-semitic measures -- the expulsion of all Jews who have entered the country since 1919 and limiting the number of Jewish teachers and students in schools -- does not affect the validity of this analysis. The rise of the Nazis in Germany has given a tremendous impetus to anti-semitism everywhere; it has made the world Jew-conscious. In the early days of Italian Fascism the Jews actually were not an eligible target. The increased Jew-consciousness of the world has magnified the importance of the same number of Italian Jews to the point where they are now an eligible target. Thus, Mussolini takes measures against the Jews to allow the discontent under his regime to be discharged in a channel harmless to his regime, i.e., against the Jews. Further, anti-semitic measures were an easy way for Mussolini to demonstrate his solidarity with Germany and the reality of the Rome-Berlin axis.
15
For detailed descriptions of the rise of Fascism in Italy see: Gaetano Salvemini , The Fascist Dictatorship, ( New York: Holt, 1927); H. W. Schneider, Making the Fascist State, ( New York: Oxford University Press, 1928); Herman Finer,

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