Seldom Ask, Never Tell: Labor and Discourse in Appalachia

By Anita Puckett | Go to book overview

NOTES

Chapter 1
1.
The literature on these interpretive processes as they apply to coalfield Appalachia appears in all disciplines and in fiction. I suggest, as particularly helpful for this discussion, Corbin ( 1981), Davis ( 1984), Ury ( 1982), and Whisnant ( 1983).
2.
For those familiar with this region, further description of the topography, local businesses and institutions, and of the residents themselves in other sections of the book will dissolve any anonymity this pseudonym may convey. Nevertheless, I felt it necessary to conform to both federal guidelines regarding the use of human subjects and the American Anthropological Association's Statement on Ethics ( 1990) by introducing at least some element of anonymity to protect residents from potentially harmful interests. Similarly, all names of residents are fictitious as are any references to place or business names. In discussing this book, some residents indicated they would like to have their real names used; others did not. Use of real names for some and not others would have allowed readers familiar with the area to infer the identity of those fictionalized. I therefore chose to use aliases in all cases.
3.
By "peripheral" I do not mean "marginal" in the sense of extraneous or expendable, but "exporters of agricultural and extractive products . . . forming the 'periphery'" ( Hopkins 1982:19), which are necessary to maintain "core" economic areas that export manufactured goods. This usage is in keeping with Wallerstein ( 1974), whose model of global economics has been applied to the history of Appalachian land ownership and use patterns in intriguing ways by Dunaway ( 1996).
4.
One significant difference between Roadville and Ash Creek is in reading and writing. Many residents of Ash Creek do not read or do not read well or often. One young mother in her twenties reported that she used to read but found that she "uses" it so seldom now that she has just about forgotten how. This devaluation of reading among many families means that the interactive patterns described by Heath ( 1983) do not apply. For those families who do read and write often, reading patterns with their young children conform to Heath's findings.
5.
Social historical and cultural anthropological works which have addressed these presuppositions in various ways include Anglin ( 1992, 1993, 1998), Eller ( 1982), Fisher ( 1993a, 1993b), and Whisnant ( 1981). See also other articles in Fisher ( 1993c).

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