places and have seriously compromised educational standards? Does the fact that 33 percent of respondents said they might move, and 21 percent said they would move, if large numbers of blacks came to live in their neighborhoods support the contention that a majority of whites reject integration "in practice"? Or does it reflect a concern that the "large numbers of blacks" may contain many members of the underclass? Very few people from the middle class, whether white or black, see such people as desirable neighbors. In fact, in a poll of residential preferences in the Detroit area in 1976, only 11 percent of blacks responded that they would prefer to live in a neighborhood where the residents were "all black" or "mostly black." 67 In truth, the hard data that forms the foundation for the current argument about racial attitudes is so fraught with difficulties that just about any interpretation can be gotten from it. And yet it is on these grounds that many social scientists charge white Americans with resisting racial equality. . . .