black people is the best way to go remains to be addressed. Clearly, the divergent tactics show the potential of difficulty of different races working together on these issues, which may or may not be a desired goal.
It is evident that white antiracists are aware of their power and privilege as whites, and in this respect they think about race in a race-cognizant manner. However, they also point out factors that mediate the power of being white, such as gender and class, and also see an advantage in de-emphasizing privilege so that whites will realize they too have something to gain by ending racism. In addition, it seems that whites who are members of antiracist organizations are deeply affected by organizational culture in terms of how they think about race. Institute members were closer to the idealized type of "race cognizance" than were ARA members, who also saw the world in some "colorblind" ways even as they recognized white privilege. These differing outlooks on race had directly to do with the goals of the organizations and the ways in which those groups viewed how to go about reaching people. Further, ARA members saw fighting other "isms" along with racism as not only compatible goals but necessary goals, whereas Institute members interpreted this plurality of goals as "escapism" from racism and yet another dimension of white privilege. The data clearly point to a diversity of white antiracist "coming out" experiences, tactics, and philosophies. I look forward to assessing this diversity and making recommendations as my research continues.
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