The revolutionary process has insisted on a shared responsibility between parents, but we still have a long way to go in this respect
Mónica Sorín Zocolsky, psychologist ( 1990) 1
The idea that the Cuban family is the fundamental cell of society looks nice on paper but in practice no one par much attention to it.
Cuban divorcee ( 1988) 2
Who doesn't have on their block a teenage girl, almost always without a stable partner, whose expectation of the future were nipped in the bud . . . by maternity; whose parents complain of having "to return to square one" in order to care for grandchildren or the young single mother with no resources?
Mirta Rodríguez Calderón, journalist ( 1989) 3
The problem of paternal dysfunction and absence is a phenomenon with very deep roots, determined by sociocultural and psychological conditions that propagate the inequality between men and women.
Patricia Arés Muzio, sociologist ( 1990) 4
Although the Cuban revolution did not have a clear and comprehensive family policy in its early years, it did have a central controlling notion that the state ought to assume many of the traditional functions of the family. By 1975 it was clear that this goal was too ambitious, that it entailed costs that the state simply could not afford. Moreover the state was alarmed by the meteoric rise in divorce, teenage pregnancy, single motherhood, and other apparent symptoms of family instability. Some began to talk of a crisis in the Cuban family. As a result, the Cuban