thousand times the liberty currently available to the slave populations of Moscow and Belgrade.
To the communists here and elsewhere there's nothing wrong with the Russian methods, for the communists have made a religion of slavery and appear content to see Russia enslave the earth. But if Mr. Polk is on the side of liberty against oppression, let him look again at those 400,000 refugees in Macedonia, driven from their farms and herds by military bands that profess to be Greeks but make their raids from across the border and retire to the refuge of Yugoslavia or Albania when they have finished their work of burning villages, running off cattle and impressing young men into service. Let him ask himself why there is no rebellion in Greece except in territory that can be reached overland from a communist country. Let him ask himself why there is no communism, but fierce opposition to it, in Crete--the part of Greece most badly battered by the war, least able to rebuild its cities, its agriculture or its tiny industry. Russia is a long way from Crete, and the thinking in Heracleion is a long way from Russian thinking.
The thinking in Athens is a long way from Russian thinking, too. Athens is a city of intellectuals, of political discussion, of passionate disagreements, of fortune and poverty, good luck and bad. But on one political subject I found a substantial agreement. Nearly everybody in Athens believes that if there were an election tomorrow the Greek government would be swung further to the right, further away from Communism than in the last election. Whatever the majority may think of their present government they would rather have it than the despotism that has conquered the Balkans and washes in over the Macedonian boundary. 2