tion" of the skyline of the city. The city continues to attract cultural and political events of national and international importance. International capital finds the city an attractive place to build and invest. Unfortunately, the benefits of these developments are routinely distributed mainly to the white suburban areas that ring the city and the two predominately white northern study areas inside the city limits. This structural characteristic of the city's political economy creates and reproduces a situation where the bulk of the social costs of Atlanta's economic transitions and dislocations are borne by the mostly black residents, 80 percent of whom live within the city limits. This can be seen in the historic, geographic, and racial distribution of jobs, income, poverty, and residential segregation.
Foremost, this study of the post-Civil Rights growth and development of Atlanta shows that urban black regimes continued the legacy of economic restructuring and the responsiveness of local governing coalitions to mobile capital. Because the urban black regime is caught between the expectations of its principally black electoral base (implying downward redistribution), and those of its governing coalition, requiring the use of public policy as a mechanism for upward redistribution, the policy responses and outcomes of Atlanta's black administrations are not surprising. The losses in share of total employment from the predominantly black westside, southside, and the in-town south Atlanta communities, the increased concentration of blacks in these communities simultaneously with the increased white suburbanization of Atlanta's MSA, and the growth of jobs in the suburban and largely white communities are poignant illustrations of urban black regimes' policy priorities.
In sum, black political management of the city of Atlanta is a hollow prize. Two decades after the coming of black political power and urban administration, the devastation of urban inequality is not declining but growing exponentially. The analysis of Atlanta's political economy strongly suggests the presence of structural problems that cannot be adjusted by symbolic racial politics or by conducting business as usual in city hall.