Cesar flew back to Texas to help focus attention on the growers' importation of Mexican nationals to break the strike. At the same time UFWOC supporters in Washington, D.C., were pressuring Secretary of Labor Willard Wirtz to close off the inflow of strikebreaking Mexican workers.Wirtz, after sending investigators into Texas, certified there were six farms under strike, and he invoked the regulations prohibiting the importation of alien workers into a strike.
Chavez flew back to California for more talks with the Teamsters, and to center the UFWOC attack on one table‐ grape grower, the 11,000-acre Giumarra Vineyards.He warned the Giumarras that if they did not agree to union recognition elections, the company would become the target of the union's next boycott.The UFWOC contended it had had a strike at Giumarra since September of 1965; the company emphatically denied this, saying there were no strikes at any of the Giumarra's vineyard locations in Tulare and Kern counties.As the long fight with Giumarra began, the battle over the P-M vineyards ended.
On July 21, 1967, Rabbi Glazer presided over a press conference in the Veterans of Foreign Wars Hall in Delano: Perelli-Minetti Company had agreed to turn its Teamster contract over to the UFWOC, the Teamsters had agreed to withdraw from the vineyards, and a jurisdictional agreement was worked out.The UFWOC recognized the Teamsters' rights to the canneries, packinghouses, and freezers; the Teamsters recognized the UFWOC'S jurisdiction over all field labor.
The farmers made ideal adversaries. Their tactics were predictable, their public relations efforts dull and unimaginative. None of their moribund maneuvers worked . . . for long. Agribusiness was entrenched and defensive, the Chavez