petitions; Chatfield claimed entire pages of petitions had been signed in the same handwriting.
Even though they had turned the situation back on the farmers, Chavez was extremely anxious about the campaign. He felt the law, if passed, would spell the end of the union. Chavez personally stumped the state at a fierce clip, turning himself over to each of the boycott-anti 22 committees to do with him what they felt was best; he talked and marched and was interviewed until he was near exhaustion. Chavez spent the last few days of the campaign in Los Angeles.
Chatfield said, "He was really uptight.He was pacing the floor, and asking if were doing everything we could. I'd never seen him so worried. We didn't know what to do with him, how to make the best use of him. We put him on the human billboard for a while, that sort of thing."
Chavez kept asking Chatfield if he was doing all that could be done. Chatfield finally snapped back, "Yes, goodammit, everything's being done that can be done." The UFW efforts were more than enough.
On November 7, 1972, the California voters soundly rejected Proposition 22. The United Farm Workers had proven, both in Arizona and California, that they could mount a political campaign and, given an issue, carry that campaign to success.The message was not lost on agribusiness.
The UFWA— Schenley Ranch contract first negotiated in 1966 and renegotiated in 1969 had a June 21, 1972, expiration date.During the term of the second contract, Schenley Industries sold the 5,00o acres of vineyards to Buttes Gas and Oil, a small, aggressive conglomerate that had already "taken