Title vii in the Mills,
Agencies, and Courts:
Theories and Practices
Even though Title VII and the government offered little guidance, the uswa believed that labor and civil rights leaders, continuing the relationships that effected the civil rights law, could devise strategies to enhance black employment. Immediately after the Senate passed the Civil Rights Act and before President Johnson signed the law on July 2, 1964, David McDonald sent letters to the heads of the major civil rights organizations, urging them to meet with the union and the afl-cio to develop "a joint program for the implementation of Title VII." None replied, so the uswa acted alone, sponsoring training sessions for its members and conferences with other unions and representatives from government agencies. The silence reflected the strategic crisis of the civil rights movement at that time. 1The resolution of that crisis was structured by the legislation passed in 1964, especially Title vii and the War on Poverty. Joint efforts were a casualty of the new outcomes.
In the spring of 1964, A. Philip Randolph had warned Martin Luther King Jr. that "the civil rights revolution has been caught up in a crisis of victory, a crisis that may involve great opportunity or great danger to its future fulfillment." Because official segregation, the target of the recent past, was about to end, black politics required new direction. 2 Randolph convened a "State of the Race" conference in New York on January 30 and 31, 1965. King did not attend but sent his aide, Andrew Young, who urged more direct action. (As it turned out, SCLC's then current direct-action campaign in Selma, Alabama, which