Cyprus and Its People: Nation, Identity, and Experience in an Unimaginable Community, 1955-1997

By Vangelis Calotychos | Go to book overview
14.
See for example Faulds ( 1988:5, 16. 17, 27, 28, 30-32)
15.
In fact, it is highly unlikely that Atatürk ever held such views on Cyprus. See Evriviades ( 1997).
16.
Most standard works on Turkish history and politics present Turkey's policy on Cyprus since 1955 as fluctuating according to the internal and external political context and the contingencies it faced with internal arguments and disagreements as to the best course of action. See Dodd ( 1992), Ahmad ( 1977:343-4, 403-415), Vali ( 1971:78-99,264), Birand ( 1976). It should be added that demands for extreme solutions such as invasion and partition were periodically voiced by Turkish public opinion in times of crisis and of killings of Turkish Cypriots in Cyprus. See Tachau ( 1959), Ahmad ( 1977:405,416).
17.
On the abandonment of enosis by Greek Cypriots see Markides ( 1974), Walker ( 1984), Papadakis ( 1993: Ch. 4).
18.
The Greek Cypriot attempt to present Turkey as the evil actor (and the desire for rapprochement) results in placing Turkish Cypriots in a passive role as simply pawns of Ankara, ignoring Turkish Cypriot active demands for Turkish involvement.
19.
As previously mentioned the most detailed argument is presented by loannides ( 1991) whose chapters 4-8 focus on Pan-Turkism. Other Greek Cypriot authors both academic (e.g., Kyrris 1991) and journalistic (e.g., see Fileleftheros 7--6- 1991) also rely on this work by Landau. The writings mentioned above and Ioannides also rely upon Weber ( 1979). Translated into Greek, Weber presents, among other issues, some considerations by Turkish officials about increasing the territory under Turkey's control by claiming areas in the Caucasus and Cyprus itself. Such considerations, however, took place during the upheavals and uncertainties of World War II when, as in any major war, many states may feel that radical boundary revisions are likely to occur. It should be noted that such arguments are based on Weber's own conclusion ( 1979:219), which links these with the subsequent 1974 Turkish military offensive in Cyprus without, however, providing any direct evidence.
20.
The failure of Pan-Turkism and of leaders of small extremist parties to influence Turkish policy has been pointed out elsewhere. See Karpat ( 1959:267-70) on Pan-Turkism, Ahmad ( 1977:340, 343) on Ecevit and Erbakkan (leader of NSP), and Agaogullari ( 1987: 200-206) who argues that the nationalist party of Turkesh ( NAP) only acquired some influence from 1975 to 1980. These shed doubts on Ioannides's ( 1991:155-6) assertion that the NAP and NSP exercised considerable influence on Turkish government policies and their influence rendered irredentism a powerful force.
21.
In other words, they try to suggest continuity between groups which emerged in wildly disparate social, geographical, and historical contexts and over two and a half centuries. Greek nationalists also use such reified genealogies in trying to present contemporary aims as somehow 'eternal' or 'dictated by history'.

Works Cited

Agaogullari M. 1987. "The Ultranationalist Right". In Schick I. and Tonak E. (eds.), Turkey in Transition: New Perspectives. Oxford: Oxford UP, 177-217.

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